SOHO China စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရွင္ Zhang Xin က တရုတ္ ႏုိင္ငံ အနာဂတ္ ကုိ ဘယ္လုိ ေ၀ဖန္ သုံးသပ္ထားသလဲ

-ၿမတ္စုိး-
၀၇.၂၆.၂၀၁၁

တရုတ္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရွင္ Zhang Xin ကုိ တရုတ္ ႏုိင္ငံ အနာဂတ္ နဲ႔ပက္သက္ၿပီး CNN သတင္းေထာက္ ဇာကာရီ ( Fared Zakaria) က ေတြ႔ဆုံေမးၿမန္းထားတာပါ။

Zhang Xin မိဘေတြဟာ ၿမန္မာၿပည္မွာေနထုိင္ခဲ့ၿပီး တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ သုိ႔ ေၿပာင္းေ႔ရႊကာ ႏုိင္ငံၿခားေရးဌာန မွာ ဘာသာၿပန္ အၿဖစ္ တာ၀န္ထမ္းေဆာင္ခဲ့သူေတြၿဖစ္ပါတယ္။

တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံမွာ အခ်မ္းသာဆုံး အမ်ိဳးသမီးမ်ား စာရင္းမွာ တဦး အပါအ၀င္ ၿဖစ္တဲ့ Zhang Xin ဟာ ၁၉၆၅ ခုႏွစ္မွာေမြးဖြားခဲ့ၿပီး၊ သူမဟာ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံမွာ အိမ္ယာေၿမ ႏွင့္ အေရာင္းဆုိင္ၾကီး ေတြကုိ ေဆာက္လုပ္ပုိင္ဆုိင္ၿပီး၊ ေအာင္ၿမင္ေက်ာ္ၾကားလူသိမ်ားတဲ့ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရွင္ တစ္ဦးၿဖစ္တယ္။ ၁၉၉၅ ခုႏွစ္ မွာ သူမရဲ႕ ခင္ပြန္း ပန္ရွီးရီ ႏွင့္ သူမဟာ ႏုိင္ငံတကာရွိ SOHO China အေရာင္းဆုိင္ၾကီးေတြရဲ႕ ပုိင္ရွင္မ်ားအၿဖစ္ လူသိမ်ားလာခဲ့သူၿဖစ္တယ္။

သူမဟာ အသက္ ၄၇ ႏွစ္သာရွိၿပီး၊ ေဒၚလာ ႏွစ္ ဘီလီယံ ေက်ာ္ ခ်မ္းသာၾကြယ္၀တဲ့ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရွင္ တစ္ဦးၿဖစ္တယ္။ သူမဟာ ကမ္းဘရစ္ခ်္ တကၠသုိလ္ကေန ဖြံၿဖိဳးမႈဆုိင္ရာစီပြားေရး ဘာသာၿဖင့္ မဟာဘြဲ႔ရရွိခဲ့ၿပီး အေမရိကန္ ကုမၸဏီေတြၿဖစ္တဲ့ Goldman Sachs and Travelers Group တုိ႔မွာ လုပ္ကုိင္ခဲ့ဘူး သူလဲၿဖစ္တယ္။

Zhang Xin က တရုတ္ ႏုိင္ငံ အနာဂတ္ ကုိ ဘယ္လုိ သုံးသပ္ထားသလဲ?

Zhang Xin (simplified Chinese: 张欣; traditional Chinese: 張欣; pinyin: Zhāng Xīn, born 1965) is a businesswoman from Mainland China. Presently, she is the CEO of SOHO China, the largest real estate developer in Beijing.

တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံမွာ ေစ်းကြက္စီးပြားေရး စနစ္က်င့္သုံးေနတယ္ဆုိေပမဲ့၊ အစုိးရ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္မႈေတြ ေအာက္မွာ ရွိတဲ့ ေစ်းကြက္စီးပြားေရး စနစ္ သာၿဖစ္လုိ႔ လြတ္လပ္တဲ့စီးပြားေရးပုံစံမွာ မရွိပဲ၊ စုိးရိမ္မႈေတြ နဲ႔သာ ၿပည့္ႏွပ္ေနတယ္ လုိ႔ သူမက ဆုိတယ္။ အစုိးရ က စီမံခန္႔ခြဲတဲဲ့ အရင္းရွင္ စီးပြားေရးစနစ္ ဟာ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ အတြက္ အဓိက စိန္ေခၚမႈေတြၿဖစ္တယ္လုိ႔ သူမက ေၿပာဆုိတယ္။ တရုတ္အစုိးရဲ႕ ထိမ္ခ်ဳပ္ထားတဲ့ စီးပြားေရးမူ၀ါဒမ်ားေၾကာင့္ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းရွင္မ်ားအၾကားႏွင့္ ေစ်းကြက္မွာ မေက်နပ္မႈေတြ ၾကီးထြားလာေနတာကုိ ၿမင္ေတြ႔ ေနရတယ္လုိ႔ သူမက ေထာက္ၿပေ၀ဖန္ခဲ့တယ္။ ဒီ မေက်နပ္မႈေတြဟာ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံ အနာဂတ္ အတြက္ စိမ္ေခၚမႈေတြနဲ႔ ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရတယ္လုိ႔ ထုတ္ေဖာ္ေၿပာဆုိ ခဲ့တယ္။

“ငါတုိ႔ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းေတြ အတြက္ စီးပြားေရးဆုိင္ရာ ရည္မွန္းခ်က္ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာ၊ နည္းဗ်ဴဟာ ေတြ ကုိ ငါတုိ႔ကုိယ္တုိင္ လုပ္ပုိင္ခြင့္မရွိဘူး။ အစုိးရ ရဲ႕ ထိမ္းခ်ဳပ္မႈေတြ ေအာက္မွသာ လုပ္ေနၾကရတာပါလုိ႔" သူမက သတိၱရွိရွိ လူသိရွင္ၾကား ေ၀ဖန္ခဲ့တယ္။ လုပ္ငန္းရွင္ေတြရဲ႕ စီးပြားေရးလုပ္ငန္းေတြ ဟာ တရုတ္အစုိးရ က ထိမ္းခ်ဳပ္ထားတဲ့ မူ၀ါဒေတြ၊ ရင္းႏွီးၿမဳပ္ႏွံမႈဆုိင္ရာ ေပၚလီစီေတြ အတုိင္း လုိက္ေလ်ာ္ညီေထြ ေအာင္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနရလုိ႔ အခက္အခဲေတြ၊စိမ္ေခၚမႈေတြ ရွိေနတယ္လုိ႔ သူမ ကဆုိတယ္။ တရုတ္မ်ိဳးဆက္သစ္ေတြ ဟာ ပုိမုိပြင့္လင္းတဲ့ လူေနမႈစနစ္ကုိ လုိလားေတာင္းတ လာၾကတာ ေတြ႔လာရလုိ႔ အစုိးရ ရဲ႕ ထိမ္းခ်ဳပ္ထားမႈ ေတြ အေပၚ ၾကီးမားတဲ့ အံတုမႈေတြၿဖစ္လာႏုိင္တယ္ သူမက သုံးသပ္ထားတယ္။

တရုတ္အစုိးရ ဟာ စီးပြားေရးဖြံ႔ၿဖိဳးမႈဆုိင္ရာ ကိန္းဂဏန္းအခ်က္အလက္ေတြေတြ ကုိသာ အေလးထား လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနေပမဲ့၊ အလုပ္လုပ္ကုိင္ေနၾကတဲ့ ၿပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ ပညာေရး၊ က်န္းမာေရး၊ လူေနမႈအဆင့္ ၿမင့္မားေစမႈေတြ ကုိ လစ္လ်ဴရွဳ႔ေနတာေၾကာင့္ စီးပြားေရး၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအက်ပ္အတည္း ကာလ ကုိ ၿဖတ္သန္း လာရမွာၿဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ဒီအက်ပ္အတည္း ေတြကုိ ကေနတဆင့္ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံအတြက္ ၿပဳၿပင္ေၿပာင္းလဲမႈေတြ ၿဖစ္ေပၚလာႏုိင္ေၾကာင္း သူမက သုံးသပ္ထားပါတယ္။

တရုတ္အစုိးရ ရဲ႕ တင္းက်ပ္တဲ့ တပါတီအာဏာရွင္စနစ္ေအာက္မွာ တရုတ္စီးပြားေရး လုပ္ငန္းရွင္ၾကီးေတြ ကေတာ့ ၿပည္သူလူထု အက်ိဳးအတြက္ၾကည့္ကာ သတိၱရွိရွိ ပြင့္ပြင့္လင္းေ၀ဖန္မႈေတြ လူသိရွင္ၾကား ေၿပာဆုိေနၾကေပမဲ့၊ ၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံမွာေတာ့ ၀ိသမစီးပြားေရးသမား စီးပြားေရး လုပ္ငန္းရွင္ေတြဟာ ေခတ္ပ်က္သူေဌး ဘြဲ႔ခံယူၿပီး၊ အက်င့္ပ်က္ စီးပြားေရးလက္ေ၀ခံ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ား၊ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ကေတာ္မ်ား နဲ႔ အတူ တုိင္းၿပည္ ကုိ ၿခစားေနၾကေလရဲ႔....။

လူလုိေနရေရးနဲ႔ ကမၻာ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအေ႐ြ႕

ၿမန္မာ ၿပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ လူ႔ဂုဏ္သိကၡာ ၿမင့္တင္ၾက

-ၿမတ္စုိး-
ေဆာင္းပါး - မဇၩိမသတင္းဌာန
ဗုဒၶဟူးေန႔၊ မတ္လ ၀၂ ရက္ ၂၀၁၁ ခုႏွစ္

ယေန႔ ကမၻာႀကီးဟာ အေျပာက်ယ္တဲ့ ပထဝီေဒသႀကီး ျဖစ္သလုိ ေထြျပားတဲ့လူမႈေရး၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရး နယ္ပယ္ႀကီး တခုလဲျဖစ္ပါတယ္။ ၂၁ ရာစု မွာ ကမၻာ့လူဦးေရ ၇ ဘီလ်ံနီးပါးရွိလာခဲ့သလုိ နည္းပညာတဟုန္ထုိး တုိးတက္လာေနတဲ့ ကမၻာႀကီးမွာ လူသားေတြရဲ႕ ေတြးေခၚယူဆမႈ၊ လုိလားမႈေတြဟာလဲ သိသိသာသာ တုိးတက္ ေၿပာင္းလဲလာခဲ့တာေတြ႔လာရတယ္။ ဒီ တုိးတက္ေျပာင္းလဲလာမႈေတြဟာ ကမၻာ့ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားရဲ႕ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ရာသီဥတု ႏွင့္ ကမၻာ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ေရစီးေၾကာင္းေတြကုိ သိသိသာသာ ေၿပာင္းလဲလာေစခဲ့တဲ့ အဓိက အေၾကာင္းရင္းခံေတြ ၿဖစ္လာခဲ့ရတယ္။

၂ဝ ရာစု ကမၻာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရး ေလာကမွာ အေတြးအေခၚ ဆုိင္ရာျပႆနာမ်ားသာ ရင္ဆုိင္ခဲ့ရတယ္ လုိ႔ သမုိင္းဆရာေတြက ေကာက္ခ်က္ခ်ေၿပာဆုိခဲ့ၾကၿပီး ႏုိင္ငံ ေတာ္ေတာ္ မ်ားမ်ားမွာ အေတြးအေခၚ ဆုိင္ရာ ပဋိပကၡမ်ား၊ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးတုိက္ပြဲမ်ား ဆက္တုိက္ဆုိသလုိ ၿဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တယ္။ ပေဒသရာဇ္ စနစ္ကုိ ဆန္႔က်င္မႈမ်ား၊ ဘူဇြာ အရင္းရွင္မ်ားကုိ နာၾကည္းမႈမ်ား၊ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ စနစ္ကုိ ရြံမုန္းမႈမ်ား နဲ႔ပတ္သက္တဲ့ အေတြးအေခၚဆုိင္ရာ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးမ်ား ဆက္တုိက္ဆုိသလုိ ကမၻာ့ႏုိင္ငံ အသီးသီးမွာ ၿဖစ္ပြားခဲ့တယ္။ ထုိစဥ္က ကမၻာ့ၿပည္သူေတြဟာ မိမိတုိ႔ လုိလားခဲ့ၾကတဲ့ စနစ္ေတြဟာ ႏုိင္ငံကုိ တုိးတက္ေအာင္၊ တရားမွ်တမႈရွိေအာင္ ဖန္တီးႏုိင္ၾကလိမ့္မယ္လုိ႔ ယူဆခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ စနစ္အတြက္ တုိက္ပြဲ၊ စနစ္အတြက္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးလုိ႔ ေခၚေဝၚခဲ့ၾကတယ္။

ယေန႔ေခတ္မွာ ၂ဝ ရာစုက ကမၻာ့လူသားေတြ လက္ခံလာခဲ့ၾကတာကေတာ့ ဒီစနစ္ေတြဟာ ႏုိင္ငံကုိ တုိးတက္ေအာင္ မလုပ္ႏုိင္ခဲ့သလုိ တရားမွ်တမႈရွိေအာင္ မဖန္တီးႏုိင္ခဲ့ၾကတာ ေတြ႔လာရတယ္။ ရလဒ္ကေတာ့ အာဏာရွင္ေတြ ကမၻာ့ႏုိင္ငံအသီးသီးမွာ မႈိလုိေပါက္ေအာင္ ေပၚထြက္ လာခဲ့တာပါ။

၂၁ ရာစု ကမၻာ့ရြာႀကီးမွာ လူသားေတြရဲ႕ ေတြးေခၚယူဆပုံ ေၿပာင္းလာခဲ့မႈေၾကာင့္ ကမၻာ့ႏုိင္ငံမ်ားရဲ႕ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ရာသီဥတု ႏွင့္ ကမၻာ့ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ေရစီးေၾကာင္း ေတြ သိသိသာသာေၿပာင္းလဲလာခဲ့တာေတြ႔ရတယ္။ အေတြးအေခၚဆုိင္ရာ တုိက္ပြဲမ်ားမွာ လြတ္လပ္မႈ အတြက္တုိက္ပြဲနဲ႔ လူ႔ဂုဏ္သိကၡာဆုိင္ရာ တုိက္ပြဲ မ်ားက အစားထုိးလာခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ ကမၻာ့လူသားအားလုံးက လူသားေတြရဲ႕ ဂုဏ္သိကၡာအတြက္ အေတြးေခၚဆုိင္ရာ ျပႆနာမ်ားက ေပၚထြက္လာၾကတဲ့ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ အဆုံးသတ္ေရး တုိက္ပြဲမ်ား ကုိ ဆင္ႏႊဲလာၾကတာ ေတြ႔ရတယ္။

၁၉၉၇ အာရွ ေငြေၾကး အက်ပ္အတည္း လႈိင္းလုံးႀကီးဟာ အင္ဒုိနီးရွား ႏုိင္ငံမွာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ ႏုိင္ငံေရးစင္ျမင့္မွာ ထုိင္ခဲ့တဲ့ ဆူဟာတုိနဲ႔ မေလးရွား က မဟာသီယာရဲ႕ ထုိင္ခုံေတြကုိ သြက္သြက္ခါေအာင္ လႈပ္ခါေစခဲ့တယ္။ ၂ဝဝ၇ မွာ စခဲ့တဲ့ ကမၻာ့စီးပြားေရးကပ္ဆုိးႀကီးဟာ အာရပ္ကမၻာမွာရွိတဲ့ အာဏာရွင္ေတြကုိ ဘုန္းဘုန္းလဲက်ဆုံးေစခဲ့တယ္။

ကမၻာ့ႏုိင္ငံ အသီးသီးမွာရွိတဲ့ က်န္ရွိေနေသးတဲ့ အာဏာရွင္ေတြဟာ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ အာဏာကိုပဲ ဆက္လက္ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ေကာင္း ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ႏုိင္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲေတြကို လုပ္ေပးေကာင္း လုပ္ေပးႏုိင္ပါလိမ့္မယ္။ ႏုိင္ငံကိုတိုးတက္ေအာင္၊ တရားမွ်တမႈရိွေအာင္ ၊ လူသားဂုဏ္သိကၡာ ႀကီးမားလာေအာင္ေတာ့ မအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ႏုိင္ေတာ့ပါဘူး။ ကမၻာႀကီးကို ပိုၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းေအာင္ေတာ့မလုပ္ႏုိင္ပါဘူး။

ယေန႔ ကမၻာ့ျပည္သူေတြဟာ ဘယ္စနစ္က ေကာင္းျခင္းမေကာင္းျခင္းထက္ ဘယ္အစုိးရ က လူ႔ဂုဏ္သိကၡာကုိ အကာအကြယ္ေပးမလဲ၊ ဘယ္အစုိးရ က သူ႔ျပည္သူေတြအတြက္ လြတ္လပ္မႈကုိ အကာအကြယ္ေပးမလဲ၊ ဘယ္အစုိးရ က သူ႔ျပည္သူေတြကုိ ထမင္းနပ္မွန္ေအာင္ေကြ်းႏုိင္မလဲ ဆုိတာကုိ ေျပာဆုိေနၾကပါၿပီ။ ကမၻာႀကီးမွာ လူမ်ိဳးေရး၊ ဘာသာေရး အစြန္းေရာက္ အယူအဆေတြကုိ ဆန္႔က်င္လာေနၾကၿပီ။

ကမၻာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရး ေလာကမွာလဲ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ပါတီေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြ ေရြးေကာက္ပြဲ အႏုိင္ရတာနဲ႔ တုိင္းျပည္ မွာ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးေတြ ဘယ္ေလာက္ထိ အကာအကြယ္ေပးမလဲ၊ ႏုိင္ငံကုိ ဘယ္လုိ တုိးတက္ေအာင္လုပ္မလဲ၊ အလုပ္အကုိင္အခြင့္အလမ္းေတြ ဘယ္လုိ ဖန္တီးေပးမလဲ၊ အက်င့္ပ်က္ျခစားမႈနဲ႔ အဂတိလုိက္စားမႈေတြ ဘယ္လုိ တုိက္ဖ်က္မလဲ၊ ကုန္ေစ်းႏႈန္းႀကီးျမင့္မႈေတြကုိ ဘယ္လုိေၿဖရွင္းမလဲ၊ ဆင္းရဲမြဲေတေနမႈကုိ ဘယ္လုိတုိက္ဖ်က္မလဲ၊ ဆင္းရဲခ်မ္းသာ ကြာဟေနမႈကုိ ဘယ္လုိေၿဖရွင္းမလဲ၊ တုိင္းျပည္အတြင္း ပညာေရး က်န္းမာေရး အေၿခအေနေတြ ဘယ္ေလာက္ျမႇင့္တင္ ႏုိင္ေအာင္ၾကိဳးစားမလဲ ဆုိတာေတြကုိ ေန႔စဥ္ ကိန္းဂဏန္း အခ်က္အလက္ေတြနဲ႔ အျပန္အလွန္ေဆြးေႏြးေျပာဆုိေနၾကပါၿပီ။ ကမၻာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရးရာသီဥတု ေျပာင္းလဲလာၿပီမုိ႔ ကမၻာ့ႏုိင္ငံေရး ေရစီးေၾကာင္းလဲ ေျပာင္းလဲ ေနတာကေတာ့ ဧကန္ပါပဲ။

What China Wants: Bargaining With Beijing

-ၿမတ္စုိး- ၇.၂၃.၂၀၁၁
"What China Wants: Bargaining With Beijing" ဒီေဆာင္းပါးမွာ တရုတ္ျပည္ၾကီး ဖံြ႔ျဖိဳးတုိးတက္လာမႈ ေၾကာင့္ အေမရိကန္-တရုတ္ ဆက္ဆံေရးအတြက္ အေမရိကန္ ႏုိင္ငံၿခားေရးမူ၀ါဒမ်ား ေၿပာင္းလဲ သင့္မသင့္ ေဆြးေႏြးတင္ၿပထားမႈပါ။

အေမရိကန္ အစုိးရ ရဲ႕ အမ်ိဳးသား လုံၿခံဳေရး အၾကံေပးအရာရွိေဟာင္း ဟန္နရီ ကစ္ဆင္ဂ်ာ ဟာ “Henry Kissinger on China” ဆုိတဲ့ စာအုပ္ေရးသားထုတ္ေ၀ခဲ့ၿပီး၊ ယင္းစာအုပ္၌ အေမရိကန္ အစုိးရ အေနနဲ႔ အင္အားၾကီးမားလာေနေသာ...
တရုတ္ ႏုိင္ငံ အၾကား ၿဖစ္ေပၚလာႏုိင္သည့္ ထိပ္တုိက္ ရင္ဆုိင္မႈမ်ားကုိ ေရွာင္ၾကဥ္ဖို႔အတြက္ တရုတ္အစုိးရကုိ ခ်ည္းကပ္ၿပီး၊ ဆက္ဆံေရး ေကာင္းမြန္လာေအာင္ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ဖုိ႔ အၾကံၿပဳထားၿခင္းၿဖစ္တယ္။

တနည္းအားၿဖင့္ ထိပ္တုိက္ရင္ဆုိင္မႈ ကုိ ေရွာင္ပါ။ ဆက္ဆံေရး ေကာင္းမြန္ေအာင္ လုပ္ပါလုိ႔ ဆုိတယ္။ သူဟာ အေမရိကန္ႏုိင္ငံမွာ ၾသဇာၾကီးမားလွတဲ့ အေမရိကန္ အမ်ိဳးသား လုံၿခံဳေရး အၾကံေပးအရာရွိေဟာင္း တေယာက္ ၿဖစ္တာေၾကာင့္ သူ႔ရဲ႕ အၾကံၿပဳမႈဟာ အေမရိကန္ ႏုိင္ငံၿခားေရးမူ၀ါဒႏွင့္ ပက္သက္ၿပီး အေခ်အတင္ ေဆြးေႏြးမႈမ်ား ၿဖစ္လာခဲ့ရတယ္။ အေခ်အတင္ၿဖစ္ခဲ့ရတဲ့ အဓိက အခ်က္အလက္ က အေမရိကန္အစုိးရ ဟာ ႏွစ္ႏုိင္ငံ ဆက္ဆံေရးကုိ ေကာင္းမြန္ဖုိ႔အတြက္ တရုတ္ အစုိးရရဲ႕ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ခ်ိဳးေဖာက္မႈေတြ၊ ေငြေၾကးထိမ္းခ်ဳပ္မႈေၾကာင့္ ကုန္သြယ္မႈ ဆုိင္ရာၿပႆနာေတြ ကုိ ေရငုံႏုတ္ပိတ္ ေနသင့္သလား ဆုိတဲ့ အခ်က္ပါ။ အေမရိကန္အစုိးရ ႏွင့္ အေမရိကန္ ၿပည္သူေတြ အဓိက တန္ဖုိးထားခဲ့တဲ့ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ကုိ တရုတ္အစုိးရႏွင့္ ဆက္ဆံေရးေကာင္းမြန္ဖုိ႔အတြက္ ဆုံးရွဳံးလက္လႊတ္ဖုိ႔လုပ္ေတာ့ မွာလားဆုိတဲ့ ေမးခြန္းသာ ၿဖစ္တယ္။

သူ႔ရဲ႕ ယူဆခ်က္ကုိ အေခ်အတင္ ေဆြးေႏြးအၾကံၿပဳသူကေတာ့ Aaron Friedberg အယ္ရင္ဖရက္ဘာ့ ၿဖစ္တယ္။ သူဟာ ပရင့္စတန္ ( Princeton ) တကၠသုိလ္က ပါေမာကၡ တစ္ဦးၿဖစ္ၿပီး၊ အေမရိကန္ ဒုတိယ သမၼတ ဒစ္ေခ်နီရဲ႕ ႏုိင္ငံၿခားေရးမူ၀ါဒဆုိင္ရာ အၾကံေပးပုဂၢိဳလ္တစ္ဦးလည္းၿဖစ္ခဲ့တယ္။ သူရဲ႕ ယူဆခ်က္ကေတာ့ တရုတ္ အင္အားၾကီးထြားမႈ ႏွင့္ ေဒသအတြင္းၿပႆနာမ်ား ေၾကာင့္ ေဒသတြင္းႏုိင္ငံမ်ားဟာ အေမရိကန္နဲ႔ ဆက္ဆံေရး ေကာင္းမြန္ေအာင္ က်ိဳးစားရင္း အေမရိကန္ သုိ႔ ပုိမုိနီးစပ္လာကာ မဟာမိတ္ဖြဲ႔လာပါ လိမ့္မယ္လုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။ အေမရိကန္-တရုတ္ ဆက္ဆံေရးမွာ အေလွ်ာ့ေပးတဲ့ ႏုိင္ငံၿခားေရးဆုိင္ရာမူ၀ါဒမ်ိဳး မၿဖစ္သင့္ဘူးလုိ႔ဆုိတယ္။ အေမရိကန္ရဲ႕ လုံၿခဳံေရးႏွင့္ အက်ိဳးစီးပြားကုိ ကာကြယ္ရမယ္လုိ႔ အၾကံၿပဳထားတယ္။

သူဟာ ေတာင္တရုတ္ပင္လယ္မွာ တရုတ္ရဲ႕ လႊမ္းမုိးဗုိလ္က်မႈေၾကာင့္ လက္ရွိၿဖစ္ေပၚေနတဲ့ ၿပႆနာမ်ားကုိ ရည္ညႊန္းေထာက္ၿပခဲ့တယ္။ အင္ဒုိနီးရွား၊ ဗီယက္နမ္၊ဖိလစ္ပုိင္၊ မေလးရွား၊ စတဲ့ အိမ္နီးခ်င္းႏုိင္ငံေတြဟာ တရုတ္အင္အားၾကီးထြားလာမႈေၾကာင့္ အေမရိကန္ႏုိင္ငံနဲ႔ ဆက္ဆံေရးေကာင္းမြန္ေအာင္ ၾကိဳးစားေနတာကုိ ေထာက္ၿပခဲ့တယ္။ ဒါေၾကာင့္မုိ႔ တရုတ္-အေမရိကန္ ဆက္ဆံေရးမွာ တရုတ္ကုိ အေလ်ွာ့ေပးၿပီး၊ ဆက္ဆံေရးေကာင္မြန္ေအာင္လုပ္ဖုိ႔ မလုိပါဘူးလုိ႔ သုံးသပ္ထားတယ္။

တရုတ္-အေမရိကန္ ဆက္ဆံေရး မွာ အေမရိကန္ ၏ ႏုိင္ငံၿခားေရးမူ၀ါဒ အရ ကုန္သြယ္ေရး အသုံးၿပဳၿပီး ေဒသအတြင္း ၾသဇာအာဏာ သက္ေရာက္မႈ အေပၚ တရုတ္-အေမရိကန္ ဆက္ဆံေရး ခ်ိန္ခြင္ညွိဖုိ႔ အေတြးအေခၚ ပါ။ ဒီ အေတြးအေခၚအရ ကုန္သြယ္ေရးၿဖင့္ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံအတြင္း လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရး တုိးတက္ေၿပာင္းလဲလာမႈ ကုိ ဖန္တီး လာႏုိင္မယ္ လုိ႔ ေမွ်ာ္လင့္တယ္။ သမၼတေဟာင္း ကလင္တန္လက္ထပ္မွာ စီးပြားေရး၊ ကုန္သြယ္ေရး ဖြင့္ေပးခဲ့ၿပီး၊ စီးပြားေရးအခြင့္အလမ္းမ်ား ကုိ ေပးခဲ့ကာ၊ ဆက္ဆံေရးတုိးတက္ လာေအာင္က်င့္သုံးခဲ့တယ္။ တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံဟာ စီးပြားေရးဖြံၿဖိဳးတုိးတက္လာေပမဲ့၊ တပါတီ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ ကုိေတာ့ ဆက္လက္ က်င့္သုံးေနဆဲပါ။ တရုတ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ တိန္႔ေရွာင္ဖိန္ လက္ထပ္ က စၿပီး တရုတ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြဟာ သက္တမ္း ႏွစ္ၾကိမ္သာ ဆက္ခံႏုိင္ဖုိ႔ ထိေတာ့ ရွိလာခဲ့တာေတြ႔ရတယ္။ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရးဆုိင္ရာ ႏွင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးလြတ္လပ္ခြင့္ေတြ အတြက္ေတာ့ ထိေရာက္မႈမရွိခဲ့ဘူးလုိ႔ ဆုိတယ္။

ကုန္သြယ္ေရးၿဖင့္ ႏုိင္ငံၿခားေရး မူ၀ါဒ ကုိ အေၿခခံၿပီး အေမရိကန္ အစုိးရ တုိင္းက က်င့္သုံးလာခဲ့တယ္။ တခ်ိန္တည္းမွာ ပဲ တရုတ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ တိန္႔ေရွာင္ဖိန္လက္ထက္မွာ ၿပည္တြင္း ဖံြ႔ျဖိဳးတုိးတက္ေအာင္ တည္ေဆာက္ၿပီး၊ ႏုိင္ငံတကာနွင့္ ဆက္ဆံေရး အဆင္ေၿပေအာင္ အေလွ်ာ့အတင္းၿပဳလုပ္ က်င့္သုံးတဲ့မူ၀ါဒ ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့တယ္။ ေဆာင္ပါးထဲမွာ တရုတ္-အေမရိကန္ ဆက္ဆံေရး သမုိင္းေၾကာင္းအေထာက္အထားေတြကုိ လည္း တင္ၿပထားတာေတြ႔ရတယ္။ ႏုိင္ငံၿခားမူ၀ါဒဆုိင္ရာ အေတြးေအခၚေတြကုိလည္း သုံးသပ္ထား တာေတြ႔ရတယ္။

ဒီေဆာင္းပါးဟာ ယေန႔ တရုတ္ျပည္ၾကီး ဖံြ႔ျဖိဳးတုိးတက္လာၿပီး၊ ေဒသတြင္း အင္အားၾကီးထြား လာမႈေၾကာင့္ တရုတ္-အေမရိကန္ ဆက္ဆံေရး ႏွင့္ ႏုိင္ငံၿခားေရးဆုိင္ရာ မူ၀ါဒမ်ား ဆုိင္ရာ ၿပန္လည္ သုံးသပ္ ေဆြးေႏြး ထားတဲ့ ေဆာင္ပါးေကာင္း တပုဒ္ၿဖစ္ေၾကာင္း တင္ၿပလုိက္ ပါတယ္။

ဆက္ဖတ္ပါ. ..

What China Wants
Bargaining With Beijing

As a connoisseur of fine diplomacy, Henry Kissinger finds a lot of it to admire in China. His new book, cast as a history of Chinese foreign policy, traces the twists and turns of Chinese strategy since the establishment of the People's Republic in 1949, quoting liberally from his numerous conversations with Chinese leaders. But On China is really neither history nor memoir. Its purpose is to argue that the United States should yield gracefully to China's rise in order to avoid a tragic conflict.

Aaron Friedberg gives the opposite advice. A Princeton professor and former foreign policy adviser to Vice President Dick Cheney, he analyzes the strategies that China and the United States have used in dealing with each other since the early 1990s and tries to decipher
China's intentions in the coming decades. In the face of growing Chinese power and ambition, the United States, he argues, must stand strong in those many areas in which China's interests are adverse to its own. Together, the two books offer a window onto the strategic split
over China among mainstream Republicans.

Kissinger likens Chinese diplomacy to the game of wei qi (equivalent to the Japanese game of go), a patient contest of encirclement in which victory is only relative. Chinese strategists view the quest for a decisive outcome as illusory. Instead, they play a game of "combative coexistence," seeking to improve their relative power position amid the ever-changing forces of world politics. At the necessary moment, one may deliver a salutary psychological shock and then withdraw, as the Chinese did to the Indians in 1962 to put a stop to incursions along
their contested border, and as they did to the Soviets in 1969 to deter Moscow from probing Chinese positions along their frontier. On other occasions, one may hide one's light and bide one's time, as Deng Xiaoping famously advised his colleagues to do in 1991, telling them to
maintain good relations with the United States while building up China's strength. Or it might be useful to claim hurt dignity and designate a whole topic as nonnegotiable, as Beijing did in 1993-94 when U.S. President Bill Clinton tried to make favorable tariff rates conditional on improvements on human rights, and as it is doing today over territorial issues.

Kissinger sees contrasts here with the usual approach of U.S. diplomats, which often frustrated him when he was running the show. Where American negotiators tend to compartmentalize issues and seek solutions, their Chinese counterparts prefer to integrate issues and seek understandings. Whereas Americans believe that agreements can be reached in one sector while disagreements are expressed in another, Chinese prefer to characterize the whole atmosphere as warm or cold, friendly or tense, creating an incentive for the other side to put disagreements on the back burner. Whereas Americans are troubled by deadlocks, Chinese know how to leverage them to keep pressure on the other side. American diplomacy is transactional; Chinese diplomacy, psychological.

Kissinger quotes the advice of the ancient military strategist Sun-tzu, who argued that one can win a battle before it begins by staking out a dominant political and psychological position. As far back as the third century, the military commander Zhuge Liang turned back an enemy
army by opening the city gates and sunning himself on the ramparts; this looked like a trap and frightened away the opposing general. In 1793-94, the Qianlong emperor fended off the British delegate Lord George Macartney with smothering hospitality; when Macartney failed
to get the point, the court dismissed him with a note left on a silk chair. In 1958, Mao Zedong received the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev not just at his private swimming pool but in it, forcing the Soviet leader to negotiate in water wings. When Kissinger met Zhou
Enlai for the first time, in 1971, the premier had arranged his schedule to leave only two negotiating slots, totaling 13 hours, available during Kissinger's time in Beijing, forcing the American envoy to agree to a presidential visit with few details resolved in advance.

Such tactics make hospitality "an aspect of strategy," Kissinger explains, leaving a foreign guest awed, discomfited, or wooed by the host's wealth, generosity, and composure. Chinese diplomats are adept at the use of friendship, which leaves "the other side . . . flattered by
being admitted to the Chinese 'club' as an 'old friend,' a posture that makes disagreement more complicated and confrontations painful," Kissinger writes. As the Manchu diplomat Qiying said about dealing with the British "barbarians," it was necessary to "curb them by sincerity."

It helps to come from an ancient civilization. "The duration and scale of the Chinese past allow Chinese leaders to use the mantle of an almost limitless history to evoke a certain modesty in their opposite numbers," Kissinger writes. His occasional digs at the United States -- whose foreign policy culture he describes as "missionary," interventionist, narrow-visioned, and crassly pragmatic -- show how hard it was to represent a nation that lacks that asset. At Kissinger and Zhou's first conversation, Zhou ceded seniority to the United States by comparing the age of the American republic (some 200 years) to that of the People's Republic (22 years). It was flattering, even though Kissinger knew it was false.

The problem with Kissinger's book is not the facts. These are well grounded in the scholarly literature and, throughout much of the book, in the notes of conversations in which he himself took part. But newer scholarship has long since called into doubt any essentialism about China's "singularity," "centrality," or "strategic patience." Although Kissinger does not use the word, the picture he paints is of an eternal – and very Oriental -- China. And it is not clear why China's long history of diplomacy makes it necessary for the United States to yield to Chinese preferences in the present. What is lacking for such an argument is an
analysis of the material realities of China's relative power, which even after 20 years of spectacular economic growth remain in many ways unfavorable.

CONTENTIOUS INTENTIONS

Friedberg also exaggerates Chinese power, although in pursuit of a different argument. His is the most thoughtful and informative of a stream of China-threat books that have come out since the mid-1990s.

Within that genre, its contribution is to focus on China's strategic intentions. Although Friedberg agrees with the classical realist logic that a change in power relations inevitably generates rivalry, he also believes it is important to figure out what, as he puts it, China wants.

His method is to synthesize the views of Chinese public intellectuals who write in Chinese policy magazines roughly similar in function to Foreign Affairs and in other media. The authors on whom he draws are roughly similar in function to Foreign Affairs and in other media. The authors on whom he draws are professors or fellows (and some graduate students) at universities and think tanks and a few military officers who work in jobs that allow them to write books and articles for the general public. Friedberg argues that these materials "reflect the main currents of 'responsible' opinion" among Chinese writers, "some of [whom] are known to have access to the inner circles of the party and state." What he reads these experts as saying is that China should seek to "displace the United States as the dominant player in East Asia, and perhaps to extrude it from the region altogether."

But this method of assessing Chinese intentions is full of pitfalls. Authors who write for the Chinese public have to compete for attention the same way that American public intellectuals do, with edgy views and vivid writing. And they do not all agree with one another. In fact, the authors Friedberg cites take varied positions, ranging from that of Senior Colonel Liu Mingfu, who wants China to become "world number one," to that of the scholar Wang Jisi, who emphasizes common interests between China and the United States. The attempt
to synthesize these views creates a false unity, with Friedberg privileging those of the writers who say the sharpest things. Moreover, as pointed out by Thomas Christensen in these pages ("The Advantages of an Assertive China," March/April 2011), Chinese policymakers have consistently been more cautious in practice than the Chinese media have been in their rhetoric. The proper takeaway from Friedberg's analysis is that the Chinese public has been treated to a rich diet of nationalist sentimentality, which for whatever reason is permitted -- or perhaps even mandated -- by the propaganda department, which ultimately controls the
Chinese media.

By focusing on intentions, Friedberg, like Kissinger, leaves out any serious accounting of China's capability to achieve the goals that various writers propose. Such an audit would show that China is bogged down both internally and in Asia generally. At home, it devotes enormous resources, including military ones, to maintaining control over the two-fifths of its territory that comprise Xinjiang and greater Tibet, to keeping civil order throughout the densely populated and socially unstable Han heartland, and to deterring Taiwan'sindependence. Around its borders, it is surrounded chiefly by two kinds of countries: unstable ones where almost any conceivable change will make life more difficult for Chinese strategists (such as Myanmar, North Korea, and the weak states of Central Asia) and strong ones that are likely to get stronger in the future and compete with China (such as India, Japan, Russia, and Vietnam). And everywhere on its periphery, on land and at sea, China faces the powerful presence of the United States. The U.S. Pacific Command remains the most muscular of the U.S. military's six regional combatant commands, after the Central Command (which is managing two ongoing wars), and it continues to adjust its strategies as China's military modernizes. Friedberg is also imprecise. His title, A Contest for Supremacy, means one thing; part of his subtitle, the Struggle for Mastery in Asia, means another -- and neither idea is vindicated by the body of the book. He ison firmer ground when he writes that "if China's power continues to grow, and it continues to be ruled by aone-party authoritarian regime, its relations with the United States are going to become increasingly tenseand competitive." But friction is not conflict.
And all this assumes that China's rise will continue unabated. Friedberg reasonably enough makes thisassumption for the purposes of argument. But it is unlikely to prove correct in the long run because China's economic and political model faces so many vulnerabilities. To add to the worries of Chinese leaders, as Friedberg points out, there are U.S. intentions: "stripped of diplomatic niceties, the ultimate aim of the American strategy is to hasten a revolution, albeit a peaceful one, that will sweep away China's one-partyauthoritarian state." This helps explain why Chinese leaders act more like people under siege than like people on an expansionist warpath.

Even if China does stay on course, it cannot hope for anything that can reasonably be called supremacy, or even regional mastery, unless U.S. power radically declines. Absent that development, it is implausible that,as Friedberg predicts, "the nations of Asia will choose eventually to follow the lead of a rising China, 'bandwagoning' with it . . . rather than trying to balance against it." Instead, the more China rises, the more most of China's neighbors will want to balance with the United States, not against it.

REACTING TO RISE

Kissinger ends his book with a policy recommendation that is disappointingly brief and imprecise. He urges the creation of a Pacific Community, "to which the United States, China, and other states all belong and in whose peaceful development all participate." But why should the United States yield so much authority toChina? Every other potential member of this community will also ask whether such a project would enhance or reduce its power. The Chinese will wonder why they should bind themselves to U.S. priorities in this way.

Larger Asian powers, such as Japan and South Korea, will doubt the benefit of submerging themselves in a U.S.-Chinese condominium. And smaller states will see themselves at risk of being sold out by their major ally, either China or the United States. The proposal's premise, that a U.S.-Chinese confrontation must be avoided, is sound, but it fails to take national interests into account.

Friedberg rejects the idea of a two-power condominium in Asia as appeasement. At the other extreme, hediscredits the idea of trying to delay or derail China's rise as too confrontational. A third option, "enhanced engagement," is fine as far as it goes, but it places too much hope in the willingness of Chinese policymakersto cooperate with an opponent whose interests are not identical to their own. Instead, he recommends that the United States set proper boundaries for China's rise by maintaining a favorable balance of power in Asia.

This will require the United States to undertake "costly and difficult measures," such as maintaining its alliances with Japan and South Korea and its cooperative relations with most of China's other neighbors, continuing to upgrade its military posture to match China's military modernization, and balancing itstranspacific trade relationships. In a version of "we have met the enemy and he is us," Friedberg says that in order to do all this, the United States must restore its economy, keep its scientific edge, protect its advanced technology, and maintain its margin of military advantage.

One can only say amen to the recommendation that the United States pull up its socks. Such proposals are persuasive with or without China in the picture, and it is well to reinforce them in the context of China's rise. But few of them are controversial. That they form the core of Friedberg's strategy is a sign that the United States' future in Asia is not as hostage to China's rise as is implied by the alarmist tone of his earlier chapters.

China cannot displace the United States from Asia; only the United States can. Friedberg's counsel resembles the essence of U.S. policy for at least the last decade. Certainly, the Obama administration has been workingto do what Friedberg suggests. The United States is hardly "on track to lose [its] geopolitical contest with China."

The real target of Friedberg's criticism is not U.S. policy but "China-watchers in academia, commerce, and government," whom he accuses of stifling debate and of "willful, blinkered optimism." Prominent among these is Kissinger, whom Friedberg characterizes as part of a "Shanghai Coalition" (more plainly, a new China lobby) that wants "to avoid criticism of China and to support good relations." Friedberg's strongest disagreement with this group concerns the place of human rights in Washington's China policy.

If a key technique of Sun-tzu-style diplomacy is to convince the other side that certain issues are too culturally and politically sensitive to be discussed, China seems to have secured that part of the wei qi board when it comes to Kissinger's views on human rights. Speaking of the immediate post-Tiananmen period,Kissinger says that "the American advocates of human rights insisted on values they considered universal" and that such universalism "challenges the element of nuance by which foreign policy is generally obliged to operate." He continues: "If adoption of American principles of governance is made the central condition for progress in all other areas of the relationship, deadlock is inevitable." These statements combine three fallacies: that the universality of international human rights is a matter of opinion rather than international law, that human rights equals American principles of governance, and that promoting human rights means holding hostage progress in all other areas.

Friedberg's counterargument is persuasive. Showing softness on core values will reinforce the view of many Chinese that the United States is in decline, thus encouraging China to miscalculate U.S. resolve. As Friedberg writes, "Soft-pedaling talk of freedom will not reassure China's leaders as much as it will embolden them." He tellingly applies Kissinger's insight into the emollient effects of friendship to Kissinger himself,arguing that the Shanghai Coalition's members are motivated in part by "the psychic rewards that come from
believing that they are helping to promote peace and the gratification of being revered and well treated byBeijing."

It is no wonder that Chinese statecraft aims to establish the cultural relativity of human rights and to pose talk of human rights as the enemy of friendship. After all, the failure to respect human rights is a glaring weakness of Chinese power both at home and abroad, whereas promoting human rights has been among theUnited States' most successful maneuvers on the wei qi board of world politics. What is surprising is that the United States' master strategist wants to play this part of the game by Beijing's rules. Would it not make more sense to emulate Chinese strategy than to yield to it? Emphasizing the principled centrality of the human rights idea to American ideology and keeping the issue active in bilateral relations even though it cannot be solved would seem to be -- along with exercising the United States' strengths in other fields -- a good way to set the boundaries within which a rising Chinese power can operate without threatening U.S. interests.

မၿပီးဆုံးေသးတဲ့ လီဒုိလမ္းမၾကီး (သုိ႔ ) Stilwell Road သမုိင္း

-ၿမတ္စုိး- ၀၇.၂၄.၂၀၁၁

၁၉၈၁ ခုႏွစ္မွာ ေရြးခ်ယ္ခံခဲ့ရတဲ့ အေမရိကန္ သမၼတ ေရာ္နယ္ရီဂင္ဟာ ေဟာလီး၀ုဒ္ မွာ နာမည္ေက်ာ္ မင္းသားၾကီး ၿဖစ္ခဲ့သလုိ၊ သူ သမၼတ တာ၀န္ထမ္းေဆာင္စဥ္မွာ အေမရိကန္ အေတြ႔အၾကံဳေတြအတြက္ သမုိင္းအေထာက္အထားေတြကုိစုဆည္းၿပီး မေပ်ာက္ပ်က္ေအာင္ ၿပန္လည္ ေဖာ္ထုတ္ၾကဖုိ႔ ေငြေၾကးဆုိင္ရာ ေထာက္ပံ့မႈေတြကုိ ၿပဳလုပ္ေပးခဲ့တယ္။ သမၼတေရာ္နယ္ရီဂင္ ရဲ႕ အစီအစဥ္ ၿဖစ္တဲ့ သမုိင္းအေမြအႏွစ္ ၿဖစ္ရပ္မွန္မ်ားကုိ ၿပန္လည္ ေဖာ္ထုတ္ေပးခဲ့မႈေၾကာင့္ ကမၻာ့သမုိင္းကုိေလ့လာေနၾကသူမ်ားအတြက္ အခ်က္အလက္မွန္ မ်ား ကုိ ၿပန္လည္ၿပင္ဆင္ၿဖည့္စြက္ႏုိင္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။ ဒီအစီအစဥ္ဟာ ေကာင္းမြန္တဲ့ အစီအစဥ္ၿဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ အစုိးရတုိင္းဟာ ဒီလုိအစီအစဥ္မ်ိဴး ႏုိင္ငံအတြင္း လုိအပ္တဲ့ေငြေၾကးသုံးစြဲၿပီး ေပ်ာက္ပ်က္သြားႏုိင္တဲ့ သမုိင္းအေထာက္အထားေတြကုိ ကာကြယ္ထားသင့္ပါတယ္။

ေရာ္နယ္ရီဂင္ရဲ႕ သမုိင္းအေမြအႏွစ္ ၿဖစ္ရပ္မွန္မ်ားကုိ ၿပန္လည္ ေဖာ္ထုတ္မႈေတြထဲမွာ ဒုတိယကမၻာစစ္အတြင္း စစ္မီးေတာက္ေလာင္ခဲ့ရတဲ့ ၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံရဲ႕ အေၿခအေန၊ မဟာမိတ္တပ္ဖြဲ႔မ်ား ႏွင့္ ဂ်ပန္တပ္ဖြဲ႔ တုိ႔ရဲ႕ စစ္ေရး မဟာဗ်ဴဟာ ၊နည္းဗ်ဴဟာမ်ား၊၊ စစ္အတြင္း အဓိက က်တဲ့ လမ္းမၾကီးမ်ားကုိ ဘယ္လုိ ေဖာက္လုပ္ခဲ့သလဲ။ ဘယ္ေလာက္ ေသဆုံးမႈေတြ ရွိခဲ့သလဲ၊ စတဲ့ သမုိင္းၿဖစ္ရပ္မွန္ေတြ ကုိ စုဆည္းတင္ၿပထားတာပါရွိပါတယ္။ ဒုတိယ ကမၻာစစ္အတြင္း မဟာဗ်ဴဟာက်တဲ့ လီဒုိလမ္းမၾကီးကုိ တည္ေဆာက္ခဲ့ရာမွာ လူေပါင္း ၆၃,၀၀၀ နဲ႔ ေငြေၾကး အေမရိကန္ေဒၚလာ သန္း၁၅၀ သုံးစြဲခဲ့တယ္လုိ႔ သမုိင္းအေထာက္အထားမ်ားအရ သိရွိရပါတယ္။ ဒီလမ္းမၾကီး ကုိ တရုတ္၊အိႏၵိယ၊ ၿဗိတိသွ်တပ္မ်ား စစ္လက္နက္၊ ရိကၡာ သယ္ယူပုိ႔ေဆာင္ေရးအတြက္ သုံးစြဲခဲ့ေၾကာင္းေဖာ္ၿပပါရွိတယ္။ လီဒုိလမ္းမ တည္ေဆာက္မႈ မွာ အေမရိကန္ စစ္သား ၁၁၀၀ ေက်ာ္ ေသဆုံးခဲ့တယ္လုိ႔ မွတ္တမ္းတင္ထားတယ္။ ၁၉၄၅ ခုႏွစ္ အေစာပုိင္းမွာ ဒီလမ္းမၾကီးကုိ တည္ေဆာက္ခဲ့ တဲ့ အေမရိကန္ စစ္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီး Vinegar Joe Stilwell ကုိ ဂုဏ္ၿပဳတဲ့အေနနဲ႔ တရုတ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ခ်န္ေကရွိတ္က Stilwell Road လုိ႔ ေၿပာင္းလဲေခၚေ၀ၚခဲ့တယ္။

သမုိင္းၿဖစ္ရပ္မွန္ အေထာက္အထားမွာ ၄ရ၈ မုိင္ ရွည္လ်ားတဲ့ ၿမန္မာၿပည္ အေနာက္ ကေန အေ႔ရွ ကုိ ေဖာက္ၿပီး အိႏၵိယ ႏွင့္ တရုတ္ၿပည္ကုိ ဆက္သြယ္ေပးမဲ့ လီဒုိလမ္းမၾကီး (သုိ႔) စေတး၀ဲလ္လမ္းမၾကီး လုိ႔ ေခၚတြင္ခဲ့တဲ့ အေရးပါတဲ့ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာက် လမ္းမၾကီးရဲ႕ သမုိင္း၀င္ ၿဖစ္ရပ္မွန္ေတြကုိ စုဆည္းတင္ၿပထားပါတယ္။ တရုတ္ ႏုိင္ငံထြက္ေပါက္ရရွိေရးအတြက္ ၿမန္မာၿပည္ဟာ စစ္တလင္းၿပင္ၿဖစ္ခဲ့ရတယ္ဆုိအခ်က္ ကုိေတာ့ ၿမန္မာ့သမုိင္းမွာ ေဖာ္ၿပထားတာ မေတြ႔ရသေလာက္ပါ။ ဒုတိယကမၻာစစ္ၾကီး အေၾကာင္း ၿမန္မာ့ သမုိင္း မွာ ဘယ္လုိဖတ္ခဲ့ရသလဲ၊ ကမၻာ့မွတ္တမ္းေတြအရ ဘယ္လုိကြာၿခားမႈ ရွိခဲ့သလဲ ဆုိတာ သမုိင္းေလ့လာေနၾကသူမ်ားစိတ္၀င္ၾကလိမ့္လုိ႔ထင္ပါတယ္။

ဒုတိယ ကမၻာစစ္အတြင္း ၿမန္မာၿပည္ဟာ လီဒုိလမ္းမၾကီး ေဆာက္လုပ္ၿပီး၊ တရုတ္ၿပည္ရဲ႕ အသက္လမ္းေၾကာင္း ရွဳေပါက္၊ ထြက္ေပါက္ ေပးခဲ့ရသလုိ ယေန႔ ေခတ္မွာလည္း ၿမန္မာၿပည္ အေနာက္ ကေန အေ႔ရွ ကုိ ဆက္သြယ္ထားတဲ့ တရုတ္ ဓာတ္ေငြ႔ပုိက္လုိင္း ထည္ေဆာက္ၿပီး၊ တရုတ္ တပါတီ အာဏာရွင္ အစုိးရ ကုိ ထြက္ေပါက္ေပးရပါအုန္းမယ္။

တရုတ္ ဓာတ္ေငြ႔ပုိက္လုိင္း သြယ္ယူမည့္ လမ္းမၾကီးကုိ ေတာ့ ဒီလမ္းမၾကီးကုိ တည္ေဆာက္ခြင့္ၿပဳတဲ့ ၿမန္မာစစ္ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ၾကီးေတြကုိ ဂုဏ္ၿပဳတဲ့ အေနနဲ႔ တရုတ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဟူက်င္းေတာင္၊ ၀မ္က်ားေပါင္ တုိ႔ က သိန္း၊သန္း လမ္းမၾကီးလုိပဲဂုဏ္ၿပဳေခၚေ၀ၚဖုိ႔ အၾကံၿပဳမလားး၊ ေရႊမန္းလမ္း၊ တင္ေအာင္ၿမင့္ဦးလမ္းမၾကီးလုိ႔ပဲ ေခၚဖုိ႔ အၾကံၿပဳမလားဆုိတာကေတာ့ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ရပါအုန္းမယ္။


လူငယ္ပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ လူၾကီးပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္ သမုိင္းေၾကာင္း၊ နိုင္ငံေရးအေၾကာင္း ကို စိတ္၀င္စားလာႏုိင္ၾကပါေစ။ သင္ခန္းစာ ယူႏုိင္ၾကပါေစ.....။

လီဒုိလမ္းမၾကီး (သုိ႔ ) Stilwell Road

သိန္း သန္းလမ္းမၾကီး (သုိ႔) တရုတ္ ဓာတ္ေငြ႔ပုိက္လုိင္းေၾကာင္း

ၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ ဆုိင္ရာ အစီရင္ခံစာ

သစ္ကုမၸဏီ ေတြ ဖ်က္စီးခဲ့တဲ့ ၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္

တရုတ္ႏုိင္ငံသုိ႔ ေန႔စဥ္ တင္ပုိ႔ေနေသာ ၿမန္မာၿပည္ေၿမာက္ပုိင္းက ကြ်န္းသစ္မ်ား

"ၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ ဖ်က္စီးေနသူမ်ား ကုိ ၿပတ္ၿပတ္သားသား ရွဳံ႔ခ်ၾက၊ ဆန္႔က်င္ၾက"

သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ ထိမ္းသိန္း ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္မႈ မွာ ေလးနက္မႈ မရွိဘူး၊ ထိခုိက္မႈကို ေလ်ာ့ခ်ရန္ စနစ္တက်ၿပဳလုပ္မႈမရွိဘူးလုိ႔ ၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ ထိမ္းသိန္း ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္မႈ လုပ္ကုိင္ေနတဲ့ အဖြဲ႔ က စာမ်က္ႏွာ ၁၀၀ ေက်ာ္ ေရးသားထားတဲ့ အစီခံစာ ကုိ ဒီေန႔ထုတ္ၿပန္လုိက္ပါတယ္။

ယင္းအဖြဲ႔ၾကီးက သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ ထိမ္းသိန္း ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္မႈ ေတြမွာ ၿပည္တြင္း ဥပေဒေတြ၊ မူ၀ါဒ ရွိေနေသာ္လည္း၊ ၿပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္မႈကုိ ဟန္႔တားထားမႈ၊ တင္းက်ပ္သည့္ တားၿမစ္ခ်က္ေတြရွိေနတာေၾကာင့္ သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ ထိမ္းသိန္း ကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္မႈ ဆုိင္ ရာ ဆုံးၿဖတ္ခ်က္ေတြ မွာ ၿပည္သူေတြရဲ႕ ပူးေပါင္းပါ၀င္မႈေတြ မရွိၿဖစ္ေနခဲ့ရတယ္လုိ႔ ေဖာ္ၿပထားတယ္။

ဒါအၿပင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ပဋိပကၡ ေတြရွိေနတာေၾကာင့္ သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ ထိခုိက္မႈ ေတြမွာ တရားဥပေဒ၊စံႏွဳန္းစံထားေတြ၊ စီမံအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈေတြမွာ အားနည္းေနၿပီး၊ ထိေရာက္စြာ တားစီးမႈ မလုပ္ႏုိင္ၿခင္းေၾကာင့္ ပုိမုိဆုိး၀ါးသည့္ အေၿခအေနသုိ႔ တြန္းပုိ႔ေပးေနေၾကာင္း အစီရင္ခံစာထဲမွာ ေဖာ္ၿပပါရွိသည္။

ၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ ေနရာ အႏွံ႔အၿပားမွာ သစ္ထုတ္လုပ္ ေရာင္းခ်မႈမ်ားကို အခ်ိန္ကာလအားျဖင့္ ၾကာျမင့္လာၿပီ ျဖစ္သၿဖင့္ သစ္ေတာရင္းၿမစ္ေတြ ပ်က္စီးေနၿခင္း၊ ေက်ာက္မ်က္၊ သဘာ၀ဓာတ္ေငြ႔ အပါအ၀င္ သဘာ၀သံယာဇာတေတြ အလ်င္တလုိ ထုတ္ေဖာ္တူးယူ ေနမႈေၾကာင့္ သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ ထိခုိက္ ပ်က္စီးဆုံးရွဳံး ေနၿခင္း၊ ေရကာတာမ်ား တည္ေဆာက္ေနမႈေတြေၾကာင့္ ေရခန္းးေၿခာက္မႈ၊ေၿမၿပဳိမႈ၊ ေရလႊမ္းမုိးမႈေတြ ၿဖစ္ေပၚလာေၾကာင္း ထည့္သြင္းေဖာ္ၿပထားတယ္။ ေလဒဏ္၊ မိုးဒဏ္နဲ႔ ပင္လယ္ဒီေရေတြကို ဟန္႔တားႏိုင္ဖုိ႔ ဒီေရေတာေတြ ကုိလည္း ထိန္းသိမ္း မႈမရွိ၊ သစ္ေတာေတြကုိ လည္း ထိမ္းသိမ္းမႈ မရွိၿခင္းတုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ ထိခုိက္ပ်က္စီးမႈမ်ားရွိေနေၾကာင္း ထည့္သြင္း ေဖာ္ၿပထားပါတယ္။

ၿမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအတြင္း သဘာ၀ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ ထိခုိက္ပ်က္စီးမႈမ်ားရွိေနသၿဖင့္ ရာသီဥတုေၿပာင္းလဲ လာကာ ငလ်င္လႈပ္မႈ၊ မုန္တုိင္းတုိက္ခုိက္မႈ၊ ေရလႊမ္းမုိးေနမႈ၊ မုိးေခါင္မႈ စတဲ့ သဘာ၀ ေဘးအႏၱာရယ္ ေတြကုိ ခံစားေနရေၾကာင္း ေဖာ္ၿပပါရွိသည္။